Electrophysiological correlates of concept type shifts.


Journal

PloS one
ISSN: 1932-6203
Titre abrégé: PLoS One
Pays: United States
ID NLM: 101285081

Informations de publication

Date de publication:
2019
Historique:
received: 19 08 2018
accepted: 06 02 2019
entrez: 6 3 2019
pubmed: 6 3 2019
medline: 26 11 2019
Statut: epublish

Résumé

A recent semantic theory of nominal concepts by Löbner [1] posits that-due to their inherent uniqueness and relationality properties-noun concepts can be classified into four concept types (CTs): sortal, individual, relational, functional. For sortal nouns the default determination is indefinite (a stone), for individual nouns it is definite (the sun), for relational and functional nouns it is possessive (his ear, his father). Incongruent determination leads to a concept type shift: his father (functional concept: unique, relational)-a father (sortal concept: non-unique, non-relational). Behavioral studies on CT shifts have demonstrated a CT congruence effect, with congruent determiners triggering faster lexical decision times on the subsequent noun than incongruent ones [2, 3]. The present ERP study investigated electrophysiological correlates of congruent and incongruent determination in German noun phrases, and specifically, whether the CT congruence effect could be indexed by such classic ERP components as N400, LAN or P600. If incongruent determination affects the lexical retrieval or semantic integration of the noun, it should be reflected in the amplitude of the N400 component. If, however, CT congruence is processed by the same neuronal mechanisms that underlie morphosyntactic processing, incongruent determination should trigger LAN or/and P600. These predictions were tested in two ERP studies. In Experiment 1, participants just listened to noun phrases. In Experiment 2, they performed a wellformedness judgment task. The processing of (in)congruent CTs (his sun vs. the sun) was compared to the processing of morphosyntactic and semantic violations in control conditions. Whereas the control conditions elicited classic electrophysiological violation responses (N400, LAN, & P600), CT-incongruences did not. Instead they showed novel concept-type specific response patterns. The absence of the classic ERP components suggests that CT-incongruent determination is not perceived as a violation of the semantic or morphosyntactic structure of the noun phrase.

Identifiants

pubmed: 30835763
doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0212624
pii: PONE-D-18-24418
pmc: PMC6400391
doi:

Types de publication

Clinical Trial Journal Article Research Support, Non-U.S. Gov't

Langues

eng

Sous-ensembles de citation

IM

Pagination

e0212624

Déclaration de conflit d'intérêts

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

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Auteurs

Natalia Bekemeier (N)

Department of Linguistics, Heinrich Heine University, Düsseldorf, Germany.

Dorothea Brenner (D)

Department of Linguistics, Heinrich Heine University, Düsseldorf, Germany.

Anne Klepp (A)

Institute of Clinical Neuroscience and Medical Psychology, Medical Faculty, Heinrich Heine University, Düsseldorf, Germany.

Katja Biermann-Ruben (K)

Institute of Clinical Neuroscience and Medical Psychology, Medical Faculty, Heinrich Heine University, Düsseldorf, Germany.

Peter Indefrey (P)

Department of Linguistics, Heinrich Heine University, Düsseldorf, Germany.
Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics and Donders Institute for Brain, Cognition and Behaviour, Nijmegen, The Netherlands.

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